With Red Lines Firm, Iran Plays for Time in Nuclear Negotiations

Precedent Suggests That Even If Negotiations Progress, Iran Could Freeze the Process at a Critical Juncture

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After four rounds of nuclear negotiations over the past two months, Iran and the United States appear no closer to a breakthrough, even as the October deadline for reactivating United Nations sanctions on Tehran rapidly approaches.

“Uranium enrichment is our red line. The country’s defense capabilities are our red line. Regional power is also our red line—and fundamentally, we are not negotiating over the principle of enrichment at all,” Ebrahim Rezaei, spokesman for parliament’s National Security Committee, declared on May 12, 2025, a day after the fourth round of talks ended. Rezaei was merely reiterating what Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi already had made clear.

This position sharply contrasts with the latest U.S. stance, which calls on Iran to cease uranium enrichment by dismantling its three main processing facilities and sourcing its 3.5 percent enriched uranium for its nuclear reactor from abroad.

“Uranium enrichment is our red line. The country’s defense capabilities are our red line. Regional power is also our red line.”

Ebrahim Rezaei, spokesman for parliament’s National Security Committee

Iranian officials and media, however, say they are willing to limit enrichment levels and transfer accumulated fissile material to a third country—but they insist on retaining the right to enrichment technology. This is reminiscent of the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action nuclear deal negotiated under the Obama administration—a framework President Donald Trump may be reluctant to accept.

Tehran also appears to be seeking a full-fledged treaty requiring congressional approval, which could further complicate and prolong the negotiation process.

A fifth round of talks has yet to be scheduled. According to an Iranian statement on April 11, the two sides are still trying to understand each other’s positions. This cautious and protracted approach contrasts with the Trump administration’s stated goal in April of securing a swift resolution—a demand at odds with Iran’s history of drawn-out negotiations, including the inconclusive 2021-2022 efforts.

Former President Hassan Rouhani has said repeatedly that a draft agreement with the Biden administration was finalized in June 2021, but hardliners in Tehran blocked it, as presidential elections were scheduled for the same month. As a result, he noted last month, Iran lost valuable time while its economic crisis deepened under sanctions.

A similar scenario played out in early 2022, when Iran and the West appeared to be close to an agreement just before Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Iran halted the talks and later began supplying weapons to Moscow.

This precedent suggests that even if negotiations with the Trump administration make progress, Iran could freeze the process at a critical juncture—potentially allowing the October 2025 United Nations sanctions snapback deadline to pass.

[T]he current talks bear striking resemblance to past diplomatic efforts that failed to produce lasting results.

What is clear is that the Islamic Republic will not make significant concessions regarding Israel or its regional activities. Nor will it accept the full dismantling of its enrichment infrastructure. While Trump and his advisers appear to be aware of Iran’s stalling tactics, the current talks bear striking resemblance to past diplomatic efforts that failed to produce lasting results.

Some had hoped the administration would push Iran to accept key U.S. demands and swiftly codify them into a binding agreement. To signal seriousness, the Pentagon deployed heavy bombers to the region in early April, hinting at readiness to strike Iran’s nuclear sites if talks faltered. But by early May, news reports indicated that the U.S. was withdrawing some of those bombers.

Although prolonged negotiations are not in Tehran’s economic interest, Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei has shown little concern for the collapse in living standards over the past two decades. His regime remains confident in its ability to suppress dissent. From this perspective, Iran has the time and incentive to delay—not only to bypass the United Nations deadline, but perhaps also to continue advancing its nuclear weapons design in parallel.

Mardo Soghom was a journalist and editorial manager at Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty for three decades, overseeing the Iran and Afghanistan services until 2020, and was chief editor of the Iran International English website.
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