Israel and Singapore Should Reaffirm Their Military Partnership

Singapore Already Relies Somewhat on Israel to Help Keep Foreign Threats from Undermining Its Multi-Ethnic, Multi-Religious Society

The Singapore Parliament House in the Civic District of the downtown core.

The Singapore Parliament House in the Civic District of the downtown core.

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On August 1, 2026, Singapore banned English rock-group Massive Attack’s two core members from performing in the country after they raised a Palestinian flag and encouraged the crowd to chant “Free Palestine” despite a police warning to refrain from political statements during the performance. Singapore considers foreign political agitation an attempt to undermine the state’s stability as a multi-ethnic and multi-religious society.

The cooperation with Israel laid the foundation for the future trajectory of Singapore’s national defense capability.

This latest decision is part of a pattern of political realism in international alliances that dates to Singapore’s independence. When Singapore separated from Malaysia, the small Asian city-state fielded only two understrength infantry battalions and a single aging wooden gunboat, possessed no aircraft, and received little help from its neighbors. Lee Kuan Yew, Singapore’s founding father, wrote about the difficulty of securing Singapore’s future as an independent country surrounded by Muslim states and described how Israel sent officers undercover as “Mexican agricultural advisers.” Israeli defense experts crafted the “Brown Book,” a master plan to build the Singapore Armed Forces from scratch.

The cooperation with Israel laid the foundation for the future trajectory of Singapore’s national defense capability. The Israel Defense Forces became the model for organizing Singapore’s officer training school, reserve unit training, and the development of armored, air, and naval military leverage. The ultimate payoff for this quiet military alliance came on National Day in 1969, when Singapore unveiled 31 acquired Israeli AMX-13 tanks, stunning Malaysian officials and observers who assumed that only Western powers could be serious military powers in the region.

The tendency for Singapore to prioritize action over posturing shows no signs of abating. Today, Singapore’s new Victory-class warships carry Blue Spear anti-ship missiles—made jointly by Israeli Aerospace Industries and Singapore-based ST Engineering—and Rafael’s Typhoon remote weapon stations. Singapore’s Air Force is also set to acquire Hermes 900 drones from Elbit Systems to replace older aircraft models. Israel’s exports to Singapore totaled $824.8 million in 2025, with electrical and electronic equipment accounting for $334.1 million, and optical, technical, and medical apparatuses worth $211.9 million.

Singapore is on the maritime crossroads of the Straits of Malacca, through which about a third of world trade passes. Piracy is increasing, with more than 100 incidents in 2025, the highest in 18 years. The problem sets in the Bab el-Mandeb and Straits of Malacca are not identical, but they do overlap.

First, the two countries should develop a joint narrow-sea denial project. Israel can provide autonomous surface and underwater systems with proven fire-support capabilities in the Red Sea and the eastern Mediterranean. Joint production will generate high-value solutions in both areas. Layered sensor networks and low-cost autonomous interceptors will also allow the “Lion City” to enhance its maritime domain awareness with fewer naval assets while giving the Jewish state valuable export opportunities.

The joint development of counter-radicalization instruments that spot networks’ financing and ideological manipulation would benefit both states.

Second, the two countries should jointly develop specific information-environment tools that could identify and neutralize foreign-sponsored radicalization networks. Singapore has comprehensive laws restricting public incitement that could upset communal harmony. Israel, in turn, has been conducting ongoing research to devise effective ways to expose potential radicalizing networks that can emerge within dense population concentrations. The joint development of counter-radicalization instruments that spot networks’ financing and ideological manipulation would benefit both states: It would allow Singapore to strengthen its own internal stability mechanisms, and it would provide Israel with effective models of operation in a different socio-cultural environment.

Third, by combining Jerusalem’s cyber-intelligence capabilities with the Five Power Defense Arrangements ally’s knowledge of the global shipping economy, Jerusalem must deploy a digital blockade to identify and freeze illicit Iranian maritime trade. The immediate de-listing of Tehran’s ghost ships from Singaporean registries would have far greater strategic impact on Iran’s economy than any United Nations resolution. Beyond the military, both Israel and Singapore can concurrently bolster ties by cooperating on water recycling and desalination technologies.

History shows that Singapore’s political theater ban and discreet reliance on Israeli expertise puts its national interests first. The collaboration between Jerusalem and Singapore has been so successful because both countries value results more than virtue signaling.

Jose Lev Alvarez is an American-Israeli scholar specializing in Middle Eastern security policy. A multilingual veteran of the IDF Special Forces and the U.S. Army, he holds a B.S. in neuroscience with a minor in Israel Studies from American University, three master’s degrees (international geostrategy, applied economics, and intelligence studies), and a medical degree. He is completing a Ph.D. in intelligence and global security in the Washington, D.C., area. In addition to serving as a writing fellow at Middle East Forum, he blogs for The Times of Israel, contributes to the Washington Examiner, and regularly provides geopolitical analysis on Latin American television networks.
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