Intra-Family Fighting Shows Kurds Aren’t Serious American Partners

So Long as the United States Supports Party Militias in Iraqi Kurdistan, There Will Be No Security or Stability in the Region

Center city in Erbil, the capital of Iraqi Kurdistan.

Center city in Erbil, the capital of Iraqi Kurdistan.

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In the early morning hours of August 22, 2025, security forces loyal to the Bafel Talabani surrounded the house of Lahur Sheikh Jangi, Talabani’s cousin and the former co-head of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), the Iraqi Kurdish political party that dominates the Sulaymani governorate and also holds the Iraqi presidency. The military units involved included the Asayish internal security forces and the Counter-Terrorism Group, both of which the United States trained.

Lahur has lived in Sulaymani in a well-guarded compound since Bafel and brother Qubad staged an internal coup against Lahur in July 2021 to consolidate full control of the PUK within their wing of the family.

I spoke to Lahur via WhatsApp as his cousin’s forces surrounded his house but before they carried out the arrest warrant. Lahur spoke about how his cousin traveled to Baghdad on August 20, 2025, to meet with Iranian-backed Badr Corps chief Hadi al-Amiri and the Iranian embassy. The Talabanis also tried to get Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq chief Qais al-Khazali and Chief Judge Faiq Zaidan to endorse the move against Lahur, but both declined to get involved.

Other reports suggest Qubad Talabani, the more professional and diplomatic face of the PUK duopoly, also met with and briefed the U.S. and European embassies on impeding action, though local press seems to conflate standard briefings with the granting of diplomatic green lights.

There is a pattern in Kurdish politics for those down and out to return to the up and in.

The core of the move against Lahur appears to be Bafel and Qubad’s growing paranoia that unease, if not antipathy, in Sulaymani to their rule could allow Lahur to make a comeback. In theory, there could be something to such paranoia. There is a pattern in Kurdish politics for those down and out to return to the up and in. PUK founder Jalal Talabani was Kurdistan Democratic Party founder Mulla Mustafa Barzani’s deputy before a 1975 falling out. Ultimately, he scraped the Talabanis back into power in an uneasy alliance with Mulla Mustafa’s son Masoud. The late Sami Abdul Rahman also split from the Barzanis before returning to the fold as speaker of the region’s rubber-stamp parliament; today, there is a huge park named after him in the center of Erbil, the Kurdistan region’s capital. The late Noshirwan Mustafa, likewise, was Jalal Talabani’s deputy before turning on his former patron to start his own party. With time, however, Noshirwan drifted back into an uneasy alliance with the Talabanis even as he nominally spoke of reform.

The notion that Lahur sought to create a countercoup within the PUK does not add up. First, he was no longer a member of the PUK and so the idea he could create a coup inside it is ridiculous. While Lahur had opportunistically shifted toward alliance with the Barzanis in recent years, he failed to be a significant force in elections. The accusation that Lahur engaged in terrorism or plotted assassination against Bafel also does not pass the smell test. First, Lahur was essentially under house arrest. He understood if he ever left Kurdistan or even Talabani territory within it, he would not be allowed back. He also understood that his house was bugged and no conversation he might have would be private. (When I would meet with Lahur following the internal coup, I would first receive the permission of Bafel to do so with the knowledge of both brother and cousin; it was clear where the power lay.)

For Kurdish politicians sitting in Sulaymani or Erbil, the latest ups and downs within the Kurdish areas may be all-consuming, but American policymakers view them as tempests in a teapot.

Few in Washington, meanwhile, take Bafel at his word. Rather than grow into his position, he continues to act unprofessionally, clubbing and partaking in other activities best left to private citizens while on visits to Washington, D.C. A couple years ago, State Department officers walked out of an Atlantic Council dinner when Bafel began speaking a bit too forthright about the coup against his cousin and human rights violations in which Bafel acknowledged direct complicity, if not originating the orders. The PUK lobbyist in Washington, meanwhile, retains a reputation for antagonizing rather than winning over those with whom he seeks meetings.

For Kurdish politicians sitting in Sulaymani or Erbil, the latest ups and downs within the Kurdish areas may be all-consuming, but American policymakers view them as tempests in a teapot—a reminder that the Kurdish leadership has neither the focus nor maturity to be serious partners.

The worry for Washington should be three-fold:

First, misuse of the Counter-Terrorism Group and other U.S.-trained forces undermines U.S. interests by associating the United States with human rights violations and the minutiae of family politics.

Second, the episode reinforces that working directly with the Counter-Terrorism Group or Asayish will not actually advance counterterrorism, but rather undermine it, especially given the Talabanis’ close proximity to Iran. Indeed, the Central Intelligence Agency and the Pentagon should expect that their Kurdish partners convey all lessons and training directly to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps.

Third, Lahur was a former U.S. partner, albeit an imperfect one. To turn a blind eye to his unjust treatment conveys the idea that Washington does not support its friends.

So long as the United States supports party militias in Iraqi Kurdistan, there will be no security or stability in the region. With Qubad reportedly now in Washington to defend his and Bafel’s actions, it is time to make clear to him: His word is worthless, the arrest of Lahur unwarranted, and he diminishes himself and his brother as potential partners.

Bafel and Qubad also should recognize: When Masrour Barzani engineered the arrest of Sidqi Bradosti, the youngest son of a commercial rival, the episode ended with Barzani facing multiple human rights and terrorism charges in U.S. court, a case that is ongoing. With their actions against Lahur, Bafel and Qubad (who maintains a house in Chevy Chase, Maryland) risk the same fate.

Michael Rubin is a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, where he specializes in Middle Eastern countries, particularly Iran and Turkey. His career includes time as a Pentagon official, with field experiences in Iran, Yemen, and Iraq, as well as engagements with the Taliban prior to 9/11. Mr. Rubin has also contributed to military education, teaching U.S. Navy and Marine units about regional conflicts and terrorism. His scholarly work includes several key publications, such as “Dancing with the Devil” and “Eternal Iran.” Rubin earned his Ph.D. and M.A. in history and a B.S. in biology from Yale University.
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