Greece Must Be Proactive on U.N. Refugee Post

Greece Increasingly Punches Above Its Weight at the United Nations and on the World Stage

When crises erupt, UNHCR can respond almost overnight. The office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in Geneva, Switzerland.

Traditionally, Western Europeans expect to hold the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees leadership based on the belief that a European face will bring more donations to the organization. Above, the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in Geneva, Switzerland.

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Greece increasingly punches above its weight at the United Nations and on the world stage. It has used its current seat on the UN Security Council not only to advocate for security in the Eastern Mediterranean but also to help mediate in northeast Asia where the Korean conflict is always just a rocket or terrorist attack away from renewed conflict. Greece quietly also fights for religious rights and freedom not only in Turkey but also in Egypt and Ethiopia.

As Greece amplifies its influence through international organizations, alliance structures, and the United Nations, its diplomatic influence far exceeds its 10-million-person population.

Greece’s diplomatic prestige will only increase in the coming years as it prepares to support Cyprus’ European Union presidency in the first half of 2026 and Greece’s own presidency in the second half of 2027. Put simply, as Greece amplifies its influence through international organizations, alliance structures, and the United Nations, its diplomatic influence far exceeds its 10-million-person population. It should not be afraid to use it.

The term for Filippo Grandi, the current United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, expires at the end of this calendar year. Already, United Nations Secretary General António Guterres, himself a former High Commissioner for Refugees, is considering several candidates to replace him and take charge of policy, relief, and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)’s $10 billion annual budget.

Traditionally, Western Europeans expect to hold the UNHCR leadership based on the belief that a European face will bring more donations to the organization. There have been a few exceptions to this rule. Japanese UN official Sadako Ogata directed UNHCR through the 1990s, and Iranian Sadruddin Aga Khan ran the agency from 1967-1977.

This year, several candidates have applied: German politician Niels Annen, Germany’s Niels Annen, former Swiss ambassador Christine Schraner Burgener who also served as a UN envoy to Myanmar. Perhaps sensing the European belief that the next envoy should be a woman, Paris mayor Anne Hidalgo has thrown her hat into the ring, perhaps hoping that Guterres will promote socialist solidarity above other credentials. Sweden has put forward Jesper Brodin, a former CEO of Ikea, arguing that a business leader is the best manager in an age of budget cutbacks. What should concern Greece, however, is President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s attempt to hijack the organization by appointing Ahmet Yıldız, a former deputy foreign minister and advisor to Erdoğan as both prime minister and president.

Greece is on the verge of a refugee disaster, albeit one coming from the United Nations rather than from warzones to its east.

In those positions, Yıldız was the point man for Erdoğan’s weaponization of refugees. Turkey deserves credit for hosting millions of Syrian refugees, many of whom have now returned, but Turkey also repeatedly sought to use the threat of onward refugee flows to extort diplomatic and economic concessions from Europe. Nor was the blackmail always so direct. Yıldız was also aiding Erdoğan when Turkish Airlines flew refugees to Belarus where many froze to death in the forest. Only quiet European diplomacy and the threat of sanctions on Turkish Airlines ended that scheme. Greece was also a victim of Yıldız’s policy when Turkey turned a blind eye to boat launches of refugees from Turkey toward Greece and then filmed Greek interceptions and legal efforts to turn the cynical Turkish boatlift back.

If Greece remains silent on the UNHCR pick, it may face two negative outcomes. The first would be Yıldız’s selection. It is one thing to face a constant barrage of Turkish propaganda; Yıldız would bring that daily laundered through the United Nations. The idea that men who owe their careers to ideological conformity and loyalty to Erdoğan would forfeit that when they walk through UNHCR headquarters in Geneva is fanciful. Western Europeans, too, would be risky given how detached Western European policymakers remain insulated and insensitive to frontline refugee recipient states like Greece, Cyprus, and Italy.

Guterres will make the ultimate selection but will only likely be able to ignore the legitimate concerns of Greeks if they do not proactively make their opinions clear. Greece is on the verge of a refugee disaster, albeit one coming from the United Nations rather than from warzones to its east. Fortunately, it has more power to resolve the potential UNHCR crisis and the cynical hijacking of a valuable agency if only it finds its diplomatic voice early.

Published originally on November 14, 2025.

Michael Rubin is a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, where he specializes in Middle Eastern countries, particularly Iran and Turkey. His career includes time as a Pentagon official, with field experiences in Iran, Yemen, and Iraq, as well as engagements with the Taliban prior to 9/11. Mr. Rubin has also contributed to military education, teaching U.S. Navy and Marine units about regional conflicts and terrorism. His scholarly work includes several key publications, such as “Dancing with the Devil” and “Eternal Iran.” Rubin earned his Ph.D. and M.A. in history and a B.S. in biology from Yale University.
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