Major non-NATO ally status bestows privileges on countries that are not NATO members but are considered crucial allies. At present, the United States recognizes nearly two dozen such countries, ranging from Australia and New Zealand to Japan and South Korea. The status is not only a diplomatic honor but one that comes with real advantages. It opens the door to priority deliveries of military goods and the right to buy certain advanced technology unavailable to other countries, the ability to join Department of War research products, and qualification to conduct often lucrative maintenance work on U.S. bases.
At present, the United States recognizes nearly two dozen such countries, ranging from Australia and New Zealand to Japan and South Korea.
China is today America’s greatest military rival. Its espionage and cyberhacking have stolen hundreds of billions of dollars of advanced U.S. military technology. While every president from President George H.W. Bush to Barack Obama spoke of China as a possible partner rather than a rival and sought to co-opt Beijing, President Donald Trump’s first term left a legacy of establishing a bipartisan consensus that China was an adversary. Trump has not reversed this. While his detractors feared President Xi Jinping might sweet-talk Trump during the China summit to strike a deal in which Trump would sacrifice Taiwan’s defense, Trump held firm. Certainly, Trump does not consider China an ally.
While the question about whether Trump considers China a major non-NATO ally might then seem ridiculous, the problem is that an increasing number of major non-NATO allies flirt with, if not tilt toward, Beijing.
Last week, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey signed the Mecca Joint Defense Agreement, a NATO-like conception that combines Saudi Arabia’s money, Pakistan’s land forces, and Turkey’s military industry. Egypt, the most populous Arab country, may soon join. The problem with the new formulation is that each member increasingly tilts to China. Pakistan is not only among the world’s most anti-American countries, but it has essentially become a Chinese satellite state. Much of its military equipment is Chinese, and China has built its Gwadar port to military specifications. Islamabad co-develops the JF-17 fighter jet. Rampant corruption up at the top has enriched Pakistani elites but left Pakistan owing a debt of nearly $30 billion to China, money it cannot pay back.
Saudi Arabia, too, increasingly pivots toward China. Crown Prince Muhammad bin Salman has grown increasingly distrustful of Washington, and the whiplash changes in policy toward his kingdom as administrations change. Beijing neither demands respect for human rights nor normalization with Israel. Saudi Arabia has also purchased Chinese drones and artillery. Riyadh’s formulation of the Mecca Pact caught the U.S. by surprise and embraces a purposely Islamist identity.
It is bad enough when countries form anti-American blocs, but when major Non-NATO allies do so, it is time for a fundamental rethink about who becomes a major non-NATO ally and who should retain such privileges.
Turkey is a member of NATO, but its dealings with China are as problematic as its previous flirtation with Russia. Simply put, if World War III were to erupt, no one in the Pentagon or State Department could say on which side Turkey would sit. While Turkey’s military acquisition from China is sporadic, its partnership with Pakistan allows it access to Chinese technology. Huawei’s massive presence in Turkey puts all NATO communications at risk.
Trump may like Turkey’s President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. He may have partnered repeatedly with Pakistani Army Chief Asim Munir. He must, however, face reality. It is bad enough when countries form anti-American blocs, but when major Non-NATO allies do so, it is time for a fundamental rethink about who becomes a major non-NATO ally and who should retain such privileges.
The Trump administration should show its choices have consequences: it is time to end Pakistan and Saudi Arabia’s privileged status. It will be impossible to deter China when America’s self-professed top allies may also want China to win.
Published originally under the title “End Major U.S. Ally Status for China Cronies, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan.”
