The solemn call to prayer echoing from what were once Constantinople’s grandest Christian cathedrals has become a potent symbol. Beyond the widely publicized conversions of Hagia Sophia and the Chora Church into mosques, a deeper, more insidious transformation is underway in Turkey – one that increasingly marginalizes and threatens the nation’s indigenous Christian communities under the leadership of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP).
It is a calculated embrace of Turkish-Islamic nationalism that fundamentally redefines Turkish identity at the expense of its religious minorities.
This isn’t merely a nostalgic reclamation of the nation’s Ottoman heritage; it is a calculated embrace of Turkish-Islamic nationalism that fundamentally redefines Turkish identity at the expense of its religious minorities.
For generations, Turkey’s Christians – Armenians, Greek Orthodox, Syriacs, and a growing number of Protestant converts – navigated a complex existence. While always minorities in a predominantly Muslim nation, the secular foundations of the modern Turkish Republic, however imperfect, offered a degree of protection.
That fragile balance has been steadily eroded. Under Erdoğan, the lines between Turkish identity and Sunni Islam have blurred to the point of near erasure. To be a loyal Turk, it is now implicitly — and often explicitly — understood that one must be Muslim. This ideological shift casts non-Muslims as inherently “other,” even potential threats to national security.
Dwindling Population
The consequences for Turkey’s Christians — estimated to comprise a mere 0.2% of the population — are stark and increasingly severe. The Open Doors World Watch List, which tracks Christian persecution globally, now ranks Turkey 45 out of the top 50 nations worldwide where persecution is worst. The U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) has consistently recommended Turkey for its Special Watch List, citing “severe violations of religious freedom.”
Training Turkish-born clergy is severely restricted, hindering faith communities’ ability to sustain themselves.
One of the most insidious tactics Turkey employs against Christians is using “national security” pretexts to deport foreign Christian workers, missionaries, and even long-term residents. Individuals like American pastor Andrew Brunson, whose prolonged detention became an international incident, and Kenneth Wiest, expelled after 35 years in the country, are not isolated cases. These expulsions, often based on unsubstantiated claims that they were endangering public order or security, effectively decapitate leadership structures within smaller Protestant communities and send a chilling message to others.
Beyond expulsions, the legal and institutional landscape has become increasingly hostile. Despite constitutional guarantees, Christian communities’ legal status remains ambiguous and precarious. They face immense difficulties in acquiring or renovating places of worship, and are often subjected to discriminatory zoning laws and bureaucratic hurdles. Training Turkish-born clergy is severely restricted, hindering faith communities’ ability to sustain themselves. Christians encounter discrimination in public employment, and legal processes can be biased against them. Even basic rights, such as securing burial plots in some areas, are denied. The ongoing closure of the Halki Theological School, a vital seminary for the Greek Orthodox Church, is one example of the state’s refusal to grant full autonomy and recognition to ancient faiths.
Several Factors
Social pressures amplify the institutional discrimination. The pervasive Turkish-Islamic nationalist rhetoric fuels a climate of suspicion and hostility, especially for Christian converts from Islam. These individuals often face intense pressure and ostracism from their families and communities. Violent incidents, though not always widely reported, persist, from the 2024 Islamic State attack on the Santa Maria Church in Istanbul to the shooting death of a 92-year-old Assyrian Christian. Propaganda in state-aligned media often demonizes Christian activities, portraying house churches as “illegal networks” or “Zionist propaganda institutions.”
Propaganda in state-aligned media often demonizes Christian activities, portraying house churches as “illegal networks” or “Zionist propaganda institutions.”
The situation is particularly dire for Christian refugees and asylum seekers, including those who have fled persecution in Iran, Afghanistan, and Syria, only to find themselves facing similar discrimination and abuse in Turkey. Their vulnerability is compounded by their status as unwanted outsiders, often without legal protection or access to essential services.
While the Turkish government occasionally engages in high-level interfaith dialogue, such as First Lady Emine Erdoğan’s visit to the Vatican, these gestures often belie the reality on the ground. The state-run Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet), with its immense budget and influence, overwhelmingly promotes Sunni Islam, further cementing its dominant position and marginalizing other faiths.
Despite these overwhelming challenges, Turkey’s Christian communities persevere. Their resilience displays their unwavering faith in the face of escalating pressure. Yet, their struggle deserves urgent attention from the international community. Beyond symbolic condemnations, there is a pressing need for sustained diplomatic pressure, advocacy for religious freedom, and support for the beleaguered Christian who seek only to practice their faith peacefully in their ancestral homeland.
Turkey’s pluralism, and indeed its very soul, hangs in the balance as the cross continues to stand against the unrelenting tide of Islamization.
Published originally on July 25, 2025.
