The prospect of a Turkish diplomat as the next United Nations secretary-general comes at a challenging moment for U.S. diplomacy in the Eastern Mediterranean. Washington has deepened its security partnerships with Greece and Cyprus, while Turkey continues to have strained relations with both countries. Turkish troops remain in northern Cyprus, and Ankara’s disagreements with Athens over maritime boundaries and the status of the Aegean islands persist. In this environment, what would Washington stand to gain by supporting former Turkish foreign minister Feridun Sinirlioğlu for the U.N.’s top post?
Although Sinirlioğlu has not officially entered the race to succeed António Guterres, reports indicate that Ankara has sounded out permanent members of the Security Council about his chances. France has voiced reservations about a Turkish candidate. The Turkish Foreign Ministry told PassBlue on October 12, 2026, that it is weighing his candidacy but has not made a final decision.
Although Sinirlioğlu has not officially entered the race to succeed António Guterres, reports indicate that Ankara has sounded out permanent members of the Security Council about his chances.
His career merits consideration. He served as Turkey’s ambassador to Israel from 2002 to 2007 and as foreign minister in 2015. He represented Turkey at the U.N. between 2016 and 2023, before being appointed secretary-general of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) in December 2024. Notably, Greece backed his appointment, despite its ongoing disputes with Turkey.
Sinirlioğlu’s track record on Cyprus is relevant. In May 2022, Sinirlioğlu wrote to Guterres, claiming that the partnership state formed in 1960 ended in 1963. He advocated for Ankara’s call for sovereign equality and international recognition for Turkish Cypriots, a stance the Republic of Cyprus rejected. In 2017, he also relayed Turkey’s claim that a portion of Cyprus’s exclusive economic zone (Block 6) overlaps with the Turkish continental shelf, a claim Nicosia likewise dismisses.
Sinirlioğlu made these arguments as Turkey’s representative, so they do not automatically reflect how he might act as secretary-general. Still, his history could make it harder for the U.N. to rebuild trust between the two sides. The secretary-general appoints envoys, oversees negotiations, and reports to the Security Council. In Cyprus, where years of U.N. mediation have failed to deliver a resolution, trust in the office is crucial.
Cypriot President Nikos Christodoulides has pushed back against the idea of a Turkish candidate. On October 2, reacting to reports about Sinirlioğlu, he argued that Turkey’s actions do not match the responsibilities of the role and accused Ankara of violating the U.N. Charter. His criticism focused on Turkey’s policies, not Sinirlioğlu’s personal experience. On October 13, Christodoulides also emphasized that whoever becomes secretary-general will be bound by Security Council resolutions on Cyprus.
That distinction is important because the Council has long backed a bizonal, bicommunal federation, while Turkey supports a two-state solution. Sinirlioğlu would find himself mediating a process where his previous advocacy for Ankara clashes with the Council’s established framework.
Turkey’s relationship with Washington is another sticking point. Despite both countries being NATO allies, there have been tensions over Ankara’s purchase of Russia’s S-400 missile system and U.S. policy in Syria. Τhe country’s military involvement in Libya, its maritime claims in the Eastern Mediterranean, and its strained ties with Israel have also complicated American diplomacy.
Syria is a clear example of where interests collide. The United States has partnered with Kurdish-led forces against the Islamic State, while Turkey sees the leading Kurdish militia as a terrorist group. Turkey has intervened militarily in Syria and backed opposition groups. The U.N., meanwhile, has focused on political talks and humanitarian aid. As secretary-general, Sinirlioğlu would have to work with governments that have opposing interests to Ankara’s, all while assuring everyone of his independence.
As secretary-general, Sinirlioğlu would have to work with governments that have opposing interests to Ankara’s, all while assuring everyone of his independence.
The Trump administration reportedly has prioritized U.N. reform in the search for Guterres’s successor. Washington should consider Sinirlioğlu’s ideas for reform, as well as his approach to Security Council decisions. But, while his diplomatic credentials are impressive, experience alone doesn’t predict how he would handle disputes involving his previous government.
For Washington, the risks of supporting Sinirlioğlu seem to outweigh the potential benefits. His appointment would not solve the disputes between Turkey and U.S. partners, and there is no sign it would improve U.S.-Turkish relations. On the contrary, it could make U.N. mediation in Cyprus harder and increase tensions with governments important to U.S. security.
While President Donald Trump often defers to Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoǧan, Trump does so because he believes Erdoğan’s promise that Turkey can fulfill a security role that enables the United States to withdraw from the region. Backing Sinirlioğlu, however, would not fulfill that function. Without a strong strategic upside, it is hard to see why Washington would back his candidacy.
