Tehran Exploits Trump’s Reversal While Hiding Questions Over Mojtaba Khamenei

Even the Israeli Government Is Largely Silent, Avoiding Direct Threats Against Tehran and Refraining from Contradicting the U.S.

Mojtaba Khamenei with his children on Qods Day in 2018.

Mojtaba Khamenei with his children on Qods Day in 2018.

Tasnim News Agency, CC BY 4.0, via Wikimedia Commons

President Donald Trump’s dizzying policy shifts on Iran and the Persian Gulf have left officials in Tehran jubilant, as they portray the sudden suspension of “Project Freedom”—the U.S. plan to reopen the Strait of Hormuz—as proof that the Islamic Republic has checkmated both the American president and U.S. military power through its chokehold on the vital waterway. The triumphalism comes as Iran’s leadership is also struggling to contain growing uncertainty over the fate and condition of the elusive new supreme leader, Mojtaba Khamenei.

“If the Strait of Hormuz could be reopened with this kind of nonsense, there would not have been so many repeated retreats. Your next miscalculation may carry consequences beyond your control,” Nour News, an outlet affiliated with Iran’s national security council, declared on May 7, 2026.

“If the Strait of Hormuz could be reopened with this kind of nonsense, there would not have been so many repeated retreats.”

Nour News

The state media in Tehran featured numerous political and academic figures to highlight that the Islamic Republic has checkmated the greatest military power. This is a claim desperately needed by a regime that has lost its top leader, Ali Khamenei, a substantial portion of its military power, and faces a devastating naval blockade.

Trump’s sudden policy reversal—reportedly influenced by Saudi Arabia’s refusal to allow the use of its airspace for operations in the Strait of Hormuz—has left many Iranian anti-regime activists bewildered. What only two months ago appeared to be a determined U.S. and Israeli campaign aimed at forcing the Islamic Republic to surrender or collapse now increasingly looks like a phase of mounting indecision, one that risks emboldening the rulers in Tehran.

Now even the Israeli government has largely fallen silent, avoiding direct threats against Tehran and publicly refraining from contradicting Trump’s shifting approach. Many Iranians, who in recent years have come to trust Israel more than the United States on confronting the Islamic Republic, are asking why Trump appears to have stopped following the harder line long advocated by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. At the same time, Israeli officials insist there remains close coordination with Washington, even as signs of divergence over diplomacy with Tehran become more visible.

The real decision-makers in Tehran, who are trying to shape the narrative while also reversing growing uncertainty over the country’s leadership, quoted President Masoud Pezeshkian on May 7 as saying he had held a lengthy meeting with Mojtaba Khamenei. This appears to be the first time a senior Iranian official has publicly claimed to have personally met with and spoken directly to the new “leader.”

Mojtaba has not been seen or heard from directly since the bombing of his father’s compound on February 28, in the opening minutes of the American and Israeli air campaign. Many believe he is incapacitated or severely wounded. Reportedly, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps controls access to him and puts out announcements in his name.

Whether Pezeshkian met Mojtaba Khamenei in person, held a virtual meeting, or communicated indirectly is unclear.

State media presented the reported meeting as both a political and symbolic effort to reinforce Mojtaba’s authority at a time of growing speculation about his condition and role. According to the account attributed to Pezeshkian, the meeting lasted nearly two-and-a-half hours and took place in what he described as a warm, calm, and highly personal atmosphere. Pezeshkian emphasized Mojtaba’s humility, sincerity, and closeness to ordinary people, portraying him as a leader who encourages direct and frank discussion. He also suggested that Mojtaba’s conduct should serve as a model for Iran’s governing system, invoking themes of unity, trust, and responsibility that state media increasingly associate with efforts to consolidate his legitimacy.

Whether Pezeshkian met Mojtaba Khamenei in person, held a virtual meeting, or communicated indirectly is unclear. The president’s account provides no details about Khamenei’s physical condition, despite weeks of speculation surrounding the severity of his injuries.

An independent Iranian journalist based in Germany, who says he is convinced Mojtaba Khamenei is dead, argued that the delay in announcing his death reflects an internal struggle among senior regime figures over control of the vast financial empire associated with his father’s office. Ali Khamenei was long believed to oversee tens of billions of dollars in domestic and foreign assets through foundations, holdings, and quasi-governmental networks tied to the supreme leader’s establishment.

According to the journalist’s interpretation, much of the wealth associated with Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini’s circle passed to Ali Khamenei after the founder’s death, and rival factions now fear that formally acknowledging Mojtaba Khamenei’s death could eventually transfer control of this far larger treasure to a relatively weak or politically insignificant cleric chosen as the next supreme leader.

Mardo Soghom was a journalist and editorial manager at Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty for three decades, overseeing the Iran and Afghanistan services until 2020, and was chief editor of the Iran International English website.
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