HARGEISA, SOMALILAND—Watching U.S. ships conduct a “Replenishment at Sea ” operation instills awe at the skill and the superiority of the U.S. Navy. American aircraft carriers run on nuclear power, but the aircraft require regular replenishment of jet fuel, especially as the pilots must conduct a quota of day and night landings each week to remain qualified. While every ship has emergency supplies of canned and dried foods, fresh food augments morale. A week after the last replenishment, fresh fruits and vegetables begin to disappear and grumbling begins. Often, the supply ships replenish multiple ships at once, each sailing just 80 feet away from each other and pumping fuel through hoses while helicopters augment the resupply.
American aircraft carriers run on nuclear power, but the aircraft require regular replenishment of jet fuel.
Resupply oilers, however, need ports from which to operate before they rendezvous with the ship they will resupply. Traditionally, in the Middle East, this meant supplying the replenishment oilers in Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates, or Oman.
Despite his frequent about-faces about whether to strike at Iran because of its attacks on freedom of navigation and civilian infrastructure, President Donald Trump has surged the U.S. Navy toward the Arabian Sea. Currently, the George H.W. Bush Carrier Strike Group, the Abraham Lincoln Carrier Strike Group, and the Boxer Amphibious Ready Group are in the northern Arabian Sea within striking distance of Iran.
Replenishing these ships is increasingly difficult, however. Replenishment oilers are large and only lightly armed. To pass through the Strait of Hormuz, as they would need to do if they bring on supplies in Bahrain or Jebel Ali, would be to risk the same ballistic missile and drone strikes that cargo ships face. The Emirati port of Fujairah is outside the Strait, but the port itself and ships departing it have come under Iranian fire. In 2019, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps twice mined ships in Fujairah harbor. That leaves Oman.
Replenishing these ships is increasingly difficult, however. Replenishment oilers are large and only lightly armed.
The U.S. Navy has used the Omani ports of Salalah and nearby Duqm for report calls and replenishment, an arrangement that brings millions of dollars into the Omani economy. On July 12, 2026, however, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps claimed responsibility for a missile and drone attack on Duqm. Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi subsequently explained that the Iranians targeted a company servicing American ships but, after the strike, the Omanis decided to break their contract.
This raises the question: Where might the U.S. Navy now base its replenishment?
Pakistan’s port of Karachi is a major port but, even if Pakistan remains a Major Non-NATO ally, it is wholly anti-American and increasingly aligned with China. In 2000, Al Qaeda struck at the USS Cole as it refueled in Aden, Yemen. Pakistan’s continued support for Al Qaeda risks a repeat.
Kenya’s Mombasa port provides another possibility, but although there have been occasional U.S. Navy port calls, they are infrequent. Nairobi tries to balance its relationship with both Washington and Beijing; it may not be willing to lend a permanent helping hand.
This, then, brings the Navy back to Somaliland. Berbera’s deepwater port is secure and is connected by a renewed road to Ethiopia. Somaliland has meat and Ethiopia has agriculture. Secretary of State Marco Rubio may double down on Hillary Clinton’s Somalia-first policy, but increasingly, this and the State Department’s unwritten “One-Somalia” policy are incompatible with any reading of U.S. national and security interests.
Berbera’s deepwater port is secure and is connected by a renewed road to Ethiopia.
Rather than shoring up a corrupt, pro-China, pro-Turkey satrapy in Mogadishu, Rubio should recognize Somaliland not only because its case is moral and just, but also because the lack of a resolved relationship handicaps U.S. logistics at their most vulnerable time. This may be why the Pentagon deleted recent comments by Dagvin Anderson, U.S. Africa Command commander, reaffirming the pro-China “One Somalia” policy.
While there already is a small U.S. military liaison in Somaliland, a more robust presence in Berbera is necessary to handle both the logistics of resupply and provide air defense in case Iran or the Houthis fire missiles or launch drones at Berbera.
Simply put, Oman’s cowardice and susceptibility to blackmail should show once again that the road to security and stability runs through Somaliland. Indeed, there is no path to victory against Iran and the Houthis without it.
