For Beijing and Moscow, not only diplomatic affinity but also practical considerations drive cooperation with Tehran. China’s cooperation with Iran presents an opportunity to observe and assess Western military capabilities in real operational contexts. Conflicts involving Iran and its regional adversaries allow Chinese strategists to gather intelligence on the effectiveness of U.S. missile defense systems, stealth aircraft, precision strike capabilities, and electronic warfare operations. These observations are valuable for the People’s Liberation Army, which is accelerating modernization in anticipation of potential conflicts with technologically advanced adversaries.
A key actor in this effort is the Ministry of State Security’s Ninth Bureau, which now reportedly operates in Tehran to help the Islamic Republic counter Mossad and Central Intelligence Agency activities in Iran and the region.
Conflicts involving Iran and its regional adversaries allow Chinese strategists to gather intelligence on the effectiveness of U.S. missile defense systems.
In this context, China’s technical and field cooperation with Iran during the ongoing conflict with Israel includes supplying advanced Chinese sensors and radar systems, such as the YLC-8B. This system tracks U.S. stealth aircraft and conducts electronic surveillance, with a detection range exceeding 220 miles for stealth targets—providing Iran with forewarning against Israeli threats. China also assists Iran in investigating breaches of its civil records and passports by foreign actors. Furthermore, China is guiding Iran toward full adoption of the Chinese BeiDou satellite navigation system as an alternative to the U.S. Global Positioning System, minimizing manipulation risks and enabling precise tracking of domestic Iranian targets.
From a strategic standpoint, China’s primary motivation to assist Iran is not conventional military support but rather to prevent security collapse in Iran that could threaten China’s substantial investments under the twenty-five-year Comprehensive Strategic Partnership with Iran and China’s Belt and Road Initiative routes.
Nor is China alone. Three senior U.S. officials told The Washington Post that Russia provides Iran with intelligence, including locations of U.S. ships and aircraft across the Middle East. Both Russian President Vladimir Putin and the Kremlin more broadly denied accusations of a deal by which Russia would curtail assistance to Iran in exchange for a similar U.S. cut-off for Ukraine. European Union Vice Commissioner Kaja Kallas affirmed intelligence fingering Russia’s complicity in providing intelligence support to Iran to target and kill Americans.
Russia has provided intelligence enabling Iran to strike U.S. forces in the region. Other reports indicate that Moscow shared positions of U.S. warships, aircraft, and other regional military assets with Tehran during the early days of the conflict. Russia also supplied Iran with satellite imagery of U.S. Air Force assets, allowing for more precise targeting and post-strike damage assessment.
Russia’s conduct during the war has reinforced its role as a key external supporter of Iran.
Although neither Russia nor China has directly intervened on Iran’s behalf during the conflict, both countries play roles that protect Tehran diplomatically and support aspects of its military effort. Russia’s conduct during the war has reinforced its role as a key external supporter of Iran. Publicly, Moscow portrays itself as a neutral mediator offering to facilitate a ceasefire through contacts with Gulf Arab leaders, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, and President Donald Trump while privately supporting Iran’s military effort. The Russian Foreign Ministry condemned U.S. and Israeli strikes as “unjustified armed aggression,” and Putin affirmed Russia’s “steadfast support” for Tehran, with Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov asserting that Russia’s mediation “remains on the table.” This dual approach serves Russian interests regardless of the outcome: If mediation succeeds, Moscow consolidates its position as an influential regional broker; if the conflict continues, rising oil prices help fund Russia’s war in Ukraine, while ongoing regional instability diverts U.S. attention and resources from Ukraine.
The China-Russia-Iran cooperation reflects a three-dimensional strategy. China seeks to protect its investments and test its capabilities. Russia leverages the conflict to enhance regional and diplomatic influence, while mitigating financial pressures from the Ukraine war through rising oil prices. And Iran strengthens its ability to respond militarily and diplomatically to the United States and Israel. U.S. policymakers must recognize they no longer control the confines of conflict, while simultaneously developing a strategy to counter Chinese and Russian activities.
