Pakistan’s Fingerprints Are on the Delhi Terror Attack

Pakistan’s State Apparatus Has Nurtured Terror Networks Through Reconstruction of Infrastructure, Digital Fundraising, and Strategic Relocation

The Red Fort in Delhi, India, a grand Mughal-era fortress, was the site of a deadly November 2025 car-bomb explosion.

The Red Fort in Delhi, India, a grand Mughal-era fortress, was the site of a deadly November 2025 car-bomb explosion.

The November 10, 2025, car-bomb explosion at Delhi’s Red Fort has reignited tensions between India and Pakistan. Investigators link the blast, which killed thirteen and injured more than thirty, to a module of the Pakistan-based Jaish-e-Mohammed terror group. Early intelligence assessments suggest revenge for India’s strikes during Operation Sindoor could have motivated the Red Fort blast.

According to Indian intelligence sources, the Red Fort attack represents the culmination of Pakistan’s systematic efforts to rebuild Jaish-e-Mohammed infrastructure, undermining Indian counterterrorism gains made just months earlier with Operation Sindoor, which India launched in response to an April 22, 2025, attack at Pahalgam, when terrorists targeted and executed non-Muslim male tourists. In retaliation, India struck nine terrorist infrastructure sites across Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, neutralizing over 100 terrorists. Yet, rather than disbanding the group, Pakistan allegedly facilitated Jaish-e-Mohammed’s recovery.

The Red Fort attack represents the culmination of Pakistan’s systematic efforts to rebuild Jaish-e-Mohammed infrastructure, undermining Indian counterterrorism gains.

On May 13, 2025, Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif announced a “Shuhada Package” to compensate families of those killed during Indian strikes. Media reports later claimed that compensation extended to not only civilian victims but also families of terrorists. Concurrently, intelligence reports suggest that Pakistan is funding the reconstruction of terrorist sites destroyed by India’s Operation Sindoor airstrikes.

Furthermore, Jaish-e-Mohammed appears to have overhauled its fundraising in response to international scrutiny. With banking channels under watch, especially following Pakistan’s engagement with the Financial Action Task Force, Jaish-e-Mohammed reportedly launched a $14 million fundraising drive using digital-wallet platforms such as EasyPaisa and SadaPay.

Intelligence officials say more than 250 EasyPaisa wallets were active in this campaign. Close associates of Jaish-e-Mohammed leader Masood Azhar allegedly control these. Using encrypted messaging and social media, Jaish-e-Mohammed solicited donations to establish 313 markaz [centers] which appear to serve as a combination of safe houses, training camps, and logistical hubs. Analysts warn that a significant portion of these funds may enable weapons procurement and future attacks against India. Multiple reports stated that Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence supported Jaish-e-Mohammed in developing and executing this fundraising model.

Following Operation Sindoor, Jaish-e-Mohammed apparently made a calculated geographic shift. Intelligence sources indicate the group relocated its core operations from Pakistan-occupied Kashmir to Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, formerly known as the Northwest Frontier Province, along the Afghanistan frontier that Pakistan perceived as more defensible against Indian cross-border strikes.

Media accounts suggest this move is being carried out with overt support from Pakistani authorities. Local police officers apparently protect Jaish-e-Mohammed gatherings. Involvement of the political-religious group Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam also suggests broader Pakistani involvement with the terror group.

Media reported that on September 14, 2025, Jaish-e-Mohammed staged a recruitment drive in the Mansehra district of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. At the rally, Maulana Mufti Masood Ilyas Kashmiri, Jaish-e-Mohammed’s amir for Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Kashmir, recounted details of India’s strikes that killed Jaish-e-Mohammed terrorists, adding that Army Chief of Staff Asim Munir ordered the Pakistan Army and Air Force to provide honors and protection at Jaish-e-Mohammed funerals.

Investigators believe a Jaish-e-Mohammed cell in Faridabad, India, was responsible for the Red Fort attack. According to security officials, this cell was not the stereotypical foot-soldier network but, rather, a professionally embedded “white-collar” terror ecosystem involving medical professionals aligned with Jaish-e-Mohammed ideology.

Tactical military victories like [India’s] Operation Sindoor may not be enough if the underlying, state-level support for terrorism remains unchecked.

Reports by The Times of India and India Today say that Al-Falah University in Faridabad may have served as the “ground zero” for radicalization among these doctors. Investigations revealed a multi-layered communication strategy orchestrated by Pakistan-based Jaish-e-Mohammed handlers that combined encrypted digital tools with occasional in-person meetings abroad. Rather than dismantling terror networks, Pakistan’s state apparatus appears to have nurtured their resurgence through reconstruction of infrastructure, digital fundraising, and strategic relocation.

Hence, tactical military victories like Operation Sindoor may not be enough if the underlying, state-level support for terrorism remains unchecked. The international community must reckon with this reality, especially financial institutions that continue to engage with Pakistan. Funds destined for humanitarian or developmental purposes may be fueling the reconstruction of terror networks.

The Red Fort bombing should serve as a wake-up call. The United States may still label Pakistan a Major Non-NATO Ally and President Donald Trump may seek to cultivate stronger ties with now-Field Marshall Asim Munir, but Pakistan’s terror support belies its rhetoric of responsibility. The attack at the Red Fort was not the first Pakistan-supported terror attack in India, and without far greater international pressure, it will not be the last.

Anna Mahjar-Barducci is a Project Director at the Middle East Media Research Institute (MEMRI).
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